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ABSTRACTS
Emma Davenport, London Metropolitan University
‘To trade up or to trade down? An exploration of the relationship between
retail and charity through a case study of Oxfam shops in the late 20th
century’
In 1953, Mrs
Florence Simon got out her pram to collect donations to support the Oxford
Committee for Famine Relief (Oxfam). These gifts would make their way to
the charity’s innovative shop, located on a bustling Oxford high street,
to increase fundraising capacities. Supplied by localised volunteer
efforts such as those of Mrs Simon, Joe Mitty, the shop manager,
scrutinised every donation and approached charitable work as a dynamic
entrepreneur, believing commercial practices justified the importance of
social purpose. However, by the mid 1960s the volunteer groups, keen to do
more than just collect for the Oxford shop, started to sell donations.
Their success encouraged Oxfam to support these shops at an institutional
level with the establishment of departments, staff, guidelines, training,
advice and information in an effort to both maintain the emphasis on
quality and commercial success and legitimise this reliable source of
income.
This
paper is concerned with the suggestion that charity shops have moved from
low price, local ventures to multiple chains intent on the provision of
commercial service and quality. It is also about the criticism that
charity shops are the only viable retail option for certain social
groups. A competing explanation is put forward, based on archival
research of Oxfam’s retail projects and a charity retail model of change,
that reveals how important professional, commercial practices were in the
initial development of their shops and not, as has been argued, the need
to provide cheap goods for a low income customer base.
Chris Heal, University
of Bristol
'Village
against city: the struggle for retail power. Bristol’s felt hat trade in
the 16th and 17th centuries'
In 1595,
Bristol’s haberdashers and feltmakers formed a trade and craft Company,
possibly the last of its kind to be created within the city. Its
commercial objective was to enforce a monopoly over the marketing of felt
hats within the civic boundaries.
The Company
faced persistent intrusion from uninspected and untaxed low-quality hats
made by the feltmakers of the nearby South Gloucestershire villages. These
regional feltmakers were not economic refugees from the city, but a
separate and co-existing community.
Over the
next twenty years, frequent and ill thought out changes to the regulations
failed to block black market loopholes. In 1618, the city’s walls were
still permeable to illegal goods, especially when entry was assisted from
within by unscrupulous members. The Company decided that the best way to
stop the incursions of the villagers was to control home-based
manufacturing at source. A petition to parliament sought approval for
their rights of search, confiscation and fine to be extended to the
countryside.
Raphaelle Schwarzberg,
London School of Economics
'Recruitment
of and ties between London goldsmith shopkeepers at the end of the 17th
century'
Guilds have
long been perceived as institutions fostering social capital, whose
success was reliant on exclusionary entrance rules and where insiders’
connections mattered. This article analyses the pervasiveness of
geographical, occupational and kinship ties amongst apprentices and
masters of the London Goldsmiths’ Company by the end of the seventeenth
century. The study consists of two distinct samples, one of ‘Bankers’ and
one of ‘Artisans’, all shopkeepers. This allows us to ask the following
question: to what extent did guild membership affect recruitment and
bonding patterns? We investigate this question, first depending on the
position a Goldsmith reached within the Company’s hierarchy, second
depending on the occupational group. Such comparisons reveal that
geographical, occupational and kinship ties are low overall, including
amongst those rising into the Company’s hierarchy. However, the ‘Bankers’
and ‘Artisans’ do differ in terms of their recruits. We observe little
geographical or occupational ties but a very distinct socio-economic
background of recruits. Additionally, ‘Bankers’ seem to have a greater
number of family members entering the Company, especially office-holding
‘Bankers’. ‘Bankers’ also appear as entertaining closer interactions with
fellow goldsmiths.
Angela Whitecross, University of Central Lancashire
'The Co-operative Party'
The
Co-operative Party occupies a unique and complex position within the wider
Labour movement in Britain. The political arm of arguably the largest
social movement in Britain, the Co-operative Party was formed in 1917 at
Co-operative Congress. From its formation it was in effect a department of
the Co-operative Union, an apex body representing co-operative societies
and consequently the wider co-operative movement in the UK. It was
therefore controlled and financed by members of the Co-operative Union who
represented primarily consumer co-operative business interests in the UK.
The Party’s primary aim was the promotion and protection of co-operative
business interests in parliament and it was consequently viewed as the
party of consumers.
However, the
Party has had an electoral alliance with the Labour Party since 1927,
whereby they do not contest elections but work together in certain
constituencies, returning Labour –Co-operative candidates to Parliament.
This creates a complex situation whereby the Co-operative Party is
controlled by a politically neutral movement, representing consumer
interests in Britain but has a close organisational relationship with the
Labour Party.
This
paper intends to explore and address some of the issues that arise from
this dual relationship, particularly in the first 30 years of the Party’s
creation. The Co-operative Party is a political institution directly
associated with one of the largest retailer movements in the UK and the
complexities this relationship have never been properly explored. This
organisational unravelling forms part of my wider PhD research
investigating Co-operative Party and Labour Party relations in the
1931-1951 period.
Paul Whysall, Nottingham Trent University
'Nottingham Pawnbrokers Association, 1837-1902: an insecure profession?'
This paper
is primarily based on an analysis of the minute book of the Nottingham
Pawnbrokers association from its inception in 1837 up to the opening years
of the 20th century. However, initially the study will be placed in
context in terms of the historical evolution of pawnbroking in Britain and
more specifically in the city of Nottingham, based on directory sources.
While pawnbroking was unquestionably an important function in the
Victorian city, our knowledge of it is relatively limited. The main
published sources that exist (Hudson, 1982; Tebbutt, 1983) address the
activity largely from the perspective of social history. This paper aims
to offer more of a business history perspective, and in particular focuses
on the activities of the trade association to protect and enhance the
status, reputation, and profitability of pawnbroking against a number of
threats.
Among the
chief threats identified are problems with the legislative framework
within which pawnbroking was officially obliged to operate (and the
problems of reform campaigns seeking to address those), local and national
economic fluctuations, competition from alternative sources of credit and
illegal pawnbroking activities, the popular association of the trade with
criminal activities, and the changing structure of the Victorian city. At
the level of the individual business there are also issues of alleged low
profitability, operational issues (e.g. storage), business succession
concerns and recruitment/staffing issues.
The
pawnbrokers’ response to such threats takes a number of forms, including
constant attempts to emphasise the respectability of the trade, attempts
to standardise procedures (e.g. opening hours), cultivation of links with
influential bodies such as the police force, philanthropic activities, and
self-regulation of standards. |